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On Wednesday the Tax Foundation released the updated State Business Tax Climate Index by Mark Robyn. Wyoming, South Dakota, and Nevada ranked highest on the index because they have low overall tax burdens and tax policies that introduce minimal distortions to business behavior.

The three states at the bottom of the ranking — New Jersey, New York, and California — were also the worst-ranked states last year. Unsurprisingly, these three states are also experiencing domestic outmigration as individuals and businesses leave for locations with lower tax burdens. A study by Jed Kolko, David Neumark, and Marisol Cuella Mejia demonstrates that the SBTCI is one of the most accurate indexes for predicting economic outcomes.

 

Illinois had the largest change in ranking over last year’s, dropping 12 spots. Robyn writes on the importance of tax policy in business decisions:

Anecdotes about the impact of state tax systems on business investment are plentiful. In Illinois early last decade, hundreds of millions of dollars of capital investments were delayed when then-Governor Blagojevich proposed a hefty gross receipts tax. Only when the legislature resoundingly defeated the bill did the investment resume. In 2005, California-based Intel decided to build a multi-billion dollar chip-making facility in Arizona due to its favorable corporate income tax system. In 2010 Northrup Grumman chose to move its headquarters to Virginia over Maryland, citing the better business tax climate. Anecdotes such as these reinforce what we know from economic theory: taxes matter to businesses, and those places with the most competitive tax systems will reap the benefits of business-friendly tax climates.

The Tax Foundation is not alone in finding these states relatively lacking in economic freedom. Indexes developed by the Mercatus Center and the American Legislative Exchange Council also ranked these states as among the least economically competitive in the country.

While lawmakers may be tempted to try to improve their states’ rankings in these types of indexes with special business tax breaks or increasing state spending, all three studies demonstrate that the best way to improve a state’s competitiveness ranking is to provide a climate of low, stable taxes that do not favor specific industries.

 

Yesterday Eileen Norcross participated in a panel discussion that was co-hosted by the American Enterprise Institute and the Mercatus Center. The event included two panels, one discussing the case for pension reform, and the second discussing the politics of reform for conservatives.

Eileen participated on the first panel, joined by Scott Beaulier of Troy University and Jason Richwine of the Heritage Foundation. They covered several points of the importance of pension reform, including the necessity for fund managers to use the correct discount rate when determining the pension liability, the importance of upholding fiduciary responsibility to workers and retirees, and the reality that public employee pensions are overly generous compared to private sector compensation.

Drawing on their previous research in pension reform, the panelists made a convincing case for the need for a shift away from defined benefit public pensions. Unfortunately, none were particularly optimistic that drastic reform measures will be undertaken. Scott pointed to Utah as a model states relative to others for responsible pension fund management but said that even their reforms do not go nearly far enough.

A little humor on the not-so-humorous subject of the federal debt. Produced by debtlimitusa.org

Nationwide, combined federal, state, and local taxes on cell phone services average more than 16 percent. That makes a cell phone one of the highest taxed goods around. Cell phone taxes are even higher than beer taxes.

Why?

Image by Carlos Porto

My colleague, Thomas Stratmann, and I attempt to answer that question in our latest working paper. Most of the conventional rationales for above-average taxation just don’t apply: cell phones don’t have obvious negative externality characteristics, they are no longer luxury goods, and consumers are not particularly insensitive to price changes.

So why would policy makers choose to tax them so much? Part of the answer is that no single politician does choose to tax them that much. Instead, the high taxes that we pay on our cell phones are the sum of lots of little taxes imposed by several different political entities. Consider, for example, the tax bill of a typical New Yorker. It includes a federal USF fee, four state taxes, five city taxes, and a local 9-1-1 fee. Each of these is relatively small, but when you add it all up, the combined rate is over 22 percent.

We believe that this pattern of taxation is characteristic of what Columbia Law School Professor Michael Heller has called a “tragedy of the anticommons.”

In the better-known tragedy of the commons multiple parties have the right to use one resource and tend to over-use it since they fail to account for the way that their use harms others (think of the ocean; it’s owned by everyone and is over-fished). In a tragedy of the anticommons, however, multiple parties have the right to exclude others from using a resource by taxing or somehow regulating its use.

Heller points to the Rhine river as a classic example. Under the Holy Roman Empire only one party–the Empire–had the right to tax trade on the river. The government was careful, then, not to over-tax (over-exclude) trade. But once the Empire fell, multiple barons gained the right to tax trade (p. 3):

The growing gauntlet of “robber baron” tollbooths made shipping impracticable. The river continued to flow, but boatmen would no longer bother making the journey. . . . For hundreds of years, everyone suffered—even the barons. The European economic pie shrank. Wealth disappeared. Too many tolls meant too little trade.

Like the barons on the Rhine, multiple parties have the power to tax cell phones: Federal, state, county, city, and special district coffers all tax the base. In many cases, multiple taxes apply even at one level of government (e.g. five taxes levied by the city of New York).

We test the anticommons theory using variation in tax rates and taxing entities across the states. We write:

The anticommons problem has two dimensions. First, the mobile-service tax base funds numerous distinct projects at each level of government. Second, the base is taxed by numerous overlapping levels of government. We use state-level data from three years to examine the possible economic, demographic, and political factors that might explain the variation in these rates. We find that wireless tax rates increase with the number of overlapping tax bases.

Pension costs rising in local governments

January 24, 2012

Long Island villages are contending with increasing contributions to the state pension system. They expect to be billed $1.2 billion this fiscal year for school district employees, public workers, police and firefighters. Maryland counties can expect to begin footing part of the pension tab for teachers in a cost-sharing plan put forth by Governor O’Malley. [...]

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Maryland’s New Budget Proposal

January 21, 2012

Maryland’s fiscal challenges did not occur over night and, in fact, the state has been running structural deficits for the past several years. The Governor’s recent proposal to balance the state’s budget consists of two major components: (1) having the state share the costs of the teachers’ pension system with county level governments and (2) [...]

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New Research on Immigration Policy

January 19, 2012

Immigration reform is something that has already surfaced in the recent GOP debates and will certainly receive more attention in the coming months as we make our way further into another presidential election year. The Cato Institute recently released a special edition of the Cato Journal titled “Is Immigration Good for America” in order to [...]

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Detroit’s Finances in Worse Shape than Previously Thought

January 19, 2012

For years Detroit’s has faced budget challenges with a declining tax base and increasing debt obligations. For the past few months, budget analysts have been predicting that the city will file for bankruptcy this year, and a new report provides evidence that Detroit’s finances are in even worse shape than previously thought. Concerns about the city’s [...]

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CalPERS proceeds with lawsuit against credit ratings agencies

January 18, 2012

A judge in San Francisco has ruled that the California Public Employees Retirement System (CalPERS) may proceed with a lawsuit against Moody’s and Standard and Poors. The suit was brought in July 2009 on the grounds that the credit ratings agencies misled CalPERS investors by giving its highest ratings to three companies that tanked in [...]

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What Illinois’s Credit Rating Downgrade Really Means

January 13, 2012

Last week Moody’s Investment Service downgraded Illinois’s credit rating from A2 to A1, thus labeling the state’s debt as the riskiest in the nation. There seems to be some confusion, however, on what this downgrade means for state borrowing, how it will affect taxpayers, and how it will impact the state’s fiscal future. To put this downgrade [...]

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